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Israel’s formal recognition of Somaliland (a distinct entity from the recognised UN-member state of Somalia) on 26 December 2025 marked a rare and controversial departure from the dominant international consensus on sovereignty and territorial integrity. As the first member state of the United Nations to recognise Somaliland as an independent state, Israel directly challenged prevailing norms governing recognition. The decision also invites comparison with Israel’s longstanding opposition to unilateral recognition of Palestinian statehood, highlighting the selective application of principles such as self-determination in global politics.

 

Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991 following the collapse of the Siad Barre regime and the breakdown of central authority across the Somali Republic. Its claim to sovereignty rests in part on historical precedent. British Somaliland existed as a separate colonial entity and briefly as an independent state for five days in June 1960 before voluntarily uniting with Italian Somaliland. Somaliland’s leadership argues that independence represents the reversal of a failed political union rather than secession from a functioning state, a distinction that carries weight in debates over legitimacy even if it lacks firm legal codification.

 

The context of state failure is central to understanding Somaliland’s emergence. Failed state analysis focuses on the inability of a state to perform core functions, including maintaining territorial control, enforcing law, providing security and exercising a monopoly on violence. Since the early 1990s, Somalia has displayed many of these characteristics. Prolonged civil conflict, fragmented authority and the presence of armed non state actors, particularly al-Shabaab, have limited the Somali government’s effective reach despite sustained international military and financial support. Somaliland’s separation can therefore be interpreted as a response to state collapse rather than a trigger for instability.

 

In contrast, Somaliland has established effective internal sovereignty. It controls its territory, operates a functioning system of governance and maintains relative internal stability. A constitution approved by referendum, repeated elections and functioning security forces distinguish Somaliland from much of the surrounding region. This divergence exposes a core contradiction in the “Westphalian system.” International recognition prioritises territorial integrity and continuity of existing states over effectiveness. Somalia retains full legal sovereignty and international representation, while Somaliland remains marginalised despite functioning as a state in practice. Israeli recognition directly confronts this contradiction by prioritising empirical statehood over inherited legal status.

 

Human rights considerations further complicate the picture. During the late 1980s, the Barre regime carried out systematic violence against the Isaaq population in northern Somalia. Large scale killings, mass displacement and the destruction of cities such as Hargeisa have been documented by international observers. These events underpin Somaliland’s claim to “remedial secession”, the idea that a population subjected to extreme and sustained abuses may legitimately withdraw from a state that has failed to protect its citizens. However, remedial secession remains weakly embedded in international law. The International Court of Justice addressed secession indirectly in its 2010 advisory opinion on Kosovo, concluding that declarations of independence are not prohibited by international law. However, crucially, the Court avoided endorsing a general right to secede or recognising remedial secession as a binding doctrine. This ambiguity allows states to interpret legality flexibly, reinforcing the idea that recognition is fundamentally a political act shaped by power and interest.

 

Globalisation both challenges and reinforces this framework. Somaliland has used economic globalisation to function without recognition through trade, diaspora remittances and foreign investment, particularly via the port of Berbera. These connections demonstrate how economic interdependence can partially bypass diplomatic isolation. At the same time, political globalisation strengthens recognised states by channelling aid, development finance and security partnerships through formal institutions that require legal sovereignty. Somalia benefits from this system despite continued fragility, illustrating how global governance can entrench legal sovereignty even in cases of state failure.

 

Israel’s recognition of Somaliland is best explained through realism. Realist theory prioritises security, power and strategic interest over norms. Somaliland’s location near the Bab al-Mandab strait, a critical maritime chokepoint linking the Red Sea and Indian Ocean, gives it strategic value disproportionate to its size. Control and security of this route are central to global trade and energy flows, and to regional power calculations involving Iran and its allies, such as the Houthis in Yemen. Recognition opens the possibility of closer security and intelligence cooperation, enhancing Israel’s regional hard power without the need for overt military deployment.

 

Soft power considerations are also relevant. Israel has framed recognition as support for a stable and effective political entity that emerged from state collapse and mass human rights abuses. This narrative aligns with liberal ideas about governance and order, even as the act of unilateral recognition conflicts with liberal institutionalism’s emphasis on multilateral consensus. The comparison with Palestine is unavoidable. Israel has consistently argued that Palestinian statehood must follow effective governance and negotiated settlement rather than international declaration.

 

However, regional organisations remain powerful constraints. The African Union continues to prioritise territorial integrity of state borders, fearing that recognition of Somaliland could encourage secession elsewhere in Africa, where ethnic groups cut across post-colonial borders. The Arab League, of which Somalia is a member, has similarly rejected Somaliland’s independence. Israeli recognition therefore challenges established regional norms and risks intensifying political tensions, illustrating how regionalism shapes state behaviour even within an anarchic international system.

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